Water and Gendered Vulnerability: Toilets and Risk in Nairobi Part 2- Sanitation Solutions in Nairobi
WASH campaign, (WaterAid, 2013) |
Well, yes and no. This
question oversimplifies a complex issue especially regarding gender based
violence in Nairobi but I want to understand if sanitation-based
development interventions can contribute to the reduction of risk in the lives
of women and girls.
One large scale study in India,
found that compared to using household toilets, open defecation doubles
a woman's odds of non-partner sexual violence; which does indicate that by
improving toilet infrastructure has a direct effect on improving the safety of
women (Jadhav,
Weitzman & Smith-Greenaway, 2016). While it is somewhat impractical to
say the solution to all sanitation problems is having household toilets
installed for all, one recent study in
Khayelitsha, South Africa, looked directly at the relationship between
the costing involved with toilets and sexual assaults. The model
showed with the current estimated 5600 toilets in Khayelitsha, sexual assaults caused
US$40million social costs and showed that increasing toilets from 5,600-11,300
reduced reported sexual assaults from 635-446 causing social costs to fall US$5million,
offsetting the cost of toilet installations.
As idealistic as it would be to install household toilets for everyone it
is unlikely that Nairobi County government or even the most optimistic NGO could
install toilets for all. Additionally, as mentioned in my last post,
cultural attitudes around cleanliness and the costs involved mean household
toilets are limited in Nairobi's slums.
The Amnesty
International Report I focused on in Part 1, was used to call on the
Nairobi government to implement safe sanitation strategies in the slums. Since there
have been "a myriad development schemes that address the problem of sanitation", most of which are from non-governmental organisations and
businesses, fuelling a 'toilet economy' (Thieme, 2010:340). For instance, The Gates Foundation's competition to reinvent the toilet resulted in winner 'Fresh-Life Toilets' launching 142
Sanergy toilets in Mathare. It was designed not to need a sewage connection with cartridges designed to help produce organic material that could be sold on as fertilizer but both the perception of using ‘shit from the slum’ and upkeep/annual service fees have been an issue(Thieme, 2018).
Some suggest the governments lack of action is down to gang activity, for example in Mathare, 152toilets were said to have been installed in the 1970s by the city council but lack of upkeep led to these becoming extremely run-down spaces for gang activity (Thieme, 2010). This perception of gang-run slum areas limits the activity of local councils and adds to the fears and risks slum residents experience (Mbiri, 2011). However increasingly, young members of gang are coordinating as youth groups and actors of development. I also question the government's motivation to implement sanitation as with much of the work being done for them by outside organisations, like the examples in this post, it can seem like they have a 'get out of jail free card' as their lack of sanitation service provision becomes legitimised. You can see here how the private issue of going
to the toilet can become a public, political issue.
User cost is a vital aspect as the majority of residents use pay-per-use
public toilets (Thieme,
2010). Prices vary from 3-10 Kenyan shillings (USD$0.03 – USD$0.10). This
disadvantages women particularly. Many toilets even have free urinals
for males but females are disadvantaged by, as mentioned in Part 1,
their need for privacy and need 'to squat'. Women are also less likely to have
these funds available for a myriad of reasons; they are primarily in charge of
unpaid domestic labour, less likely to be in-charge of household income and are
more likely to save the money they do have for their children to use the
facilities instead. Without the funds or ability to access nearby toilet
facilities many women lack the privacy they need and will either hold it or despite the danger wait for nightfall to defecate out in the open (UN,
2006; Sommer,
et. al. 2012; Thieme,
2018; Winters
et. al., 2018).
As idealistic as it would be to install household toilets for everyone it is unlikely that Nairobi County government or even the most optimistic NGO could install toilets for all. Additionally, as mentioned in my last post, cultural attitudes around cleanliness and the costs involved mean household toilets are limited in Nairobi's slums.
Sanergy toilets in Mathare. It was designed not to need a sewage connection with cartridges designed to help produce organic material that could be sold on as fertilizer but both the perception of using ‘shit from the slum’ and upkeep/annual service fees have been an issue(Thieme, 2018).
Some suggest the governments lack of action is down to gang activity, for example in Mathare, 152toilets were said to have been installed in the 1970s by the city council but lack of upkeep led to these becoming extremely run-down spaces for gang activity (Thieme, 2010). This perception of gang-run slum areas limits the activity of local councils and adds to the fears and risks slum residents experience (Mbiri, 2011). However increasingly, young members of gang are coordinating as youth groups and actors of development. I also question the government's motivation to implement sanitation as with much of the work being done for them by outside organisations, like the examples in this post, it can seem like they have a 'get out of jail free card' as their lack of sanitation service provision becomes legitimised. You can see here how the private issue of going to the toilet can become a public, political issue.
Ikotoilet sign (Thieme, 2018).
Ikotoilet, created by Ecotact, focused on the benefits of with
their 'beautiful toilets' tried to mitigate problems of pay-per-use with a
monthly charge card costing KES$100. Still too expensive for many slum residents.
Furthermore, their first installation in a low-income setting in Mathare was 300m into an area for open defecation which does not reduce vulnerability. Many Ikotoilets
have become hubs of small-scale
enterprise but tend to be more successful in wealthier areas (Thieme, 2018).
Are alternative household
options then practical in the reduction of risk?
Ikotoilet sign (Thieme, 2018). |
Women at a Peepoo collection. (Peepoople, 2018) |
PeePoo, created by swedish Peepoople, launched in Kibera in 2009. It is a self-sanitising biodegradable bag which can be used in the home especially as an alterative to the 'flying toilet'. Sold by micro-franchises, they retail at KSh3 per bag. As they are single use there is the issue of cost. Many women were given charge collecting Peepoo and it has taken off well in many areas as an alternative for women and children risking searching for a toilet when it is dark (Thieme, 2010; Peepoople, 2018). However in this case men still face risks as in their impact reports PeePoople do state that men believe them not to be big enough and that culturally, many men do not go to the toilet at home so were reluctant to use them.In 2016, PeePoople moved their operations to Kenya and re-established production in Kenya in 2017 to produce 5,000Peepoos per day for Nairobi.
Infographic from a Peepoole report on its benefits.(Peepoople, 2013) |
There is no quick fix for sanitation problems. Throughout these last few posts I want to make it clear that am not saying sanitation problem causes such risks as gender-based violence but it does compound pre-existing insecurities. Vulnerability is an important driver of behaviour for women, especially regarding sanitation choices (Sommer, et. al. 2012; Winters et. al, 2018). This needs to be understood in sanitation policy. Furthermore, boys and men also encounter violence in accessing water and sanitation and cultural norms around masculinity restrict their ability even more than women to avoid/report attacks. Stigma and the difficulties around involving women in development means collecting data on sensitive issues like this is sparse but growing.
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